A tale of two op-eds

They are both about Haiti. They are both worth reading. In my view, one is the best of op-eds and one is the worst. Please read them and say what you think and why.

Op-ed #1: In the February 7 New York Times, Ben Fountain takes us to rural Haiti in 1999. After driving for a few hours away from Port-au-Prince, he saw sprawling mansions in the hillsides. “Had oil been discovered in Haiti”? His Haitian friend shook his head: “Drogue. Drugs.” Fountain talks about how Haiti, 10 years ago, had become a major transshipment point for cocaine from South America to the United States. It still is. The Haitian military helps keep this billion-dollar-a-year trade going. Fountain concludes: “So it’s come to this: the richest country in the hemisphere and the poorest, the first republic and the second, trapped together in the New World’s most glaring modern failure: the war on drugs.”

Op-ed #2: In the February 5 Wall Street Journal, Lawrence Harrison writes from Boston about how the Haitian people’s widespread devotion to voodoo is its “curse.” He states that although Haiti has received billions of dollars in foreign aid over the past half-century, its progress indicators are more like those of Africa than Latin America. The reason: the powerful influence of voodoo, which, he explains came from Africa and continues to be an “obstacle to development” there. Harrison avers that that all Haitians feel its influence. His sources of data? A son-in-law of his “who is Haitian and holds a graduate degree from Harvard.” And an American missionary who lived in Haiti for 20 years. Shaky grounds? Not for Harrison, who sums it all up for us: “Haiti’s predicament is caused by a set of values, beliefs, and attitudes…”

Image: “Members of the Jordanian Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) team of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) take position during a drug seizure exercise. 22/Dec/2008. UN Photo/Marco Dormino.” Link. Creative commons licensed Flickr content.

Steps toward rebalancing Haiti

In the late 1970s, Haiti’s rural population was 80 percent of the total population, while today it is 55 percent. This rapid shift has led to Haiti being “terribly out-of-balance” as Robert Maguire testified (PDF transcript) before the Subcommittee on International Development, Foreign Assistance, Economic Affairs and International Environmental Protection of the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on Feb. 4.

Robert Maguire is associate professor of international affairs and director of the Haiti Program at Trinity College in Washington, D.C., and Jennings Randolph senior fellow at the United States Institute of Peace. He first went to Haiti in 1974. His most recent visit ended on January 10, 2010, two days before the earthquake occurred.

In his testimony, Maguire laid out five points:

  1. Decentralization: help people displaced from Port-au-Prince to stay in rural areas
  2. Create a National Civic Service Corps
  3. Strengthen state institutions through partnership
  4. Get money into the hands of poor people
  5. Support institutions, businesses, and leaders who work toward inclusion, less social inequality, and socially responsible investment strategies

Image: “Rural life is hard work,” a scene of rural Haiti. Creative commons licensed content by Flickr user danboarder.

Follow the aid

Despite an abundance of aid materials and the good intentions of relief agencies, relief efforts in Thailand following the December 2004 earthquake/tsunami were afflicted by skewed distribution.

Jin Sato, associate professor in the Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia at the University of Tokyo, analyzes the factors that skewed relief good distribution in an article in Development in Practice. He discusses how the political and economic turmoil caused by relief efforts themselves constitute an additional risk for victims.

Sato also notes that while the social ramifications of relief efforts are substantial, yet they are often overlooked for three reasons:

  • most “disaster management” experts are engineers
  • social analysis requires time
  • relief organizations are poorly coordinated which prevents the generation of lessons for the future

His recommendations for more effective responses, based on lessons from the 2004-2005 tsunami relief efforts, are:

  • the selection of goods and distribution mechanisms are of paramount importance
  • aid efforts should not only supply goods but should focus on strengthening institutional resources that allow recipient communities to more effectively absorb the goods and distribute them fairly
  • relief agencies should co-ordinate with each other after the emergency stage to develop ways to reduce pre-existing inequalities or dominance

After reading his article, I decided to contact Professor Sato to learn more about him and his involvement in disaster response work. Here is my email interview with him:

Q: What is your background in terms of academic training?

A: My B.A. from the University of Tokyo was in anthropology, and I have a master’s degree in both international relations and public policy from the Kennedy School at Harvard University. My Ph.D. was in international studies (interdisciplinary) at the University of Tokyo, and my dissertation topic was on natural resource governance and politics in Thailand. I did a post-doc at the Agrarian Studies Program at Yale University under Jim Scott in 1998-1999.

Since my student years, I have been interested in natural resource governance and foreign aid. The article is a spin off from my interest in the latter.

Q: When you worked as a policy advisor to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment of Thailand, what were your major responsibilities?

A: I was there to advise on the formulation (and prioritization) of the Environmental Policy 5-year plan, particularly about citizen participation and the role of international assistance (especially that of the Japanese government).

Q: Where were you when the tsunami hit, and what role if any did you play in responding to the tragedy?

A: As you might remember, the Tsunami hit on Dec. 25. I was taking a vacation in Samui Island in Thailand. Since my duty was to advise on environmental policy, I was not sure what to do, but I contacted the JICA office to offer assistance since I could speak the language. They put me on the first assistance survey team to develop livelihood assistance strategy from Japan. But Japanese assistance was too slow, and I don’t think we had any impact at all.

Q: Can you comment on the current situation in Haiti, in terms of how your findings about Thailand might relate to that context?

A: Since I have not been to the field, it is hard to comment. But judging from the news, there was more order and discipline in Thailand where people could wait in lines to receive aid goods. The tsunami hit only the coastal zone and other parts remain intact (unlike the earthquake). This is a huge difference in terms of the availability of assistance and speed of recovery. I suspect that there will be some structural concentration in either damage or assistance due to pre-existing resource inequity.

Image courtesy of Jin Sato.

Go with the flow

Guest post by Laura Wilson

By focusing attention on a single but critical resource, Jessica Barnes sheds light on the complexities of social, economic, and political change in rural Egypt. The resource is water.

Barnes is currently completing her doctorate in Columbia University’s new multidisciplinary Ph.D. program in Sustainable Development. She combines training and perspectives in cultural anthropology, geography, and environmental science to understand the multifaceted world of water in a context where rainfall is extremely scarce and farmers depend on the flow of one river and its tributaries. Her mantra is: follow the water.

In a presentation at the Elliott School of International Affairs on January 27, Barnes described the findings from her research in Egypt on land reclamation from the desert for farming (she focused on the areas around Fayoum). The Egyptian government promotes land reclamation in order to help the country achieve food self-sufficiency and to create agricultural jobs for college graduates who cannot be absorbed by the civil service.

Barnes finds that the new farmers are successful in the “greening” of desert land, and much desert land is now producing food. But such expansion of farming requires water. Reclamation projects are located further from the Nile and its tributaries than the plots of longstanding farmers. Gaining access to irrigation water is difficult, so many new farmers resort to illegal means to obtain water for their farms. Barnes showed a photograph of one farmer’s illegal pipeline.

Long-term farmers said that their lands are no longer productive because the water they normally depend on is being diverted to the reclamation areas. Barnes links this pattern to what David Harvey refers to as “accumulation by dispossession.” The new farmers reclaim land from the desert and earn profits, but they simultaneously deprive long-term farmers of their livelihood. The long-term farmers are forced to abandon their nonproductive land.

Barnes’ ethnographic focus on water, augmented by her use of GIS mapping and long-term multi-level fieldwork, is an excellent example of how a resource-centered approach can yield rich insights of value to international development and environmental policy and programs.

Laura Wilson is a candidate for an M.A. degree in International Development Studies at George Washington University with a focus on gender, human rights, and development. She received a B.S. degree in Foreign Service from Georgetown University in 2007. She is currently the program assistant for the International Development Studies program.

Image: “Egyptian stuff BW” from flickr user Richard Messenger, licensed with Creative Commons.

Hope for reshaping U.S.-Haiti relations?

If Paul Farmer were to have his way, the answer is yes. Farmer–cultural anthropologist, medical doctor, and health advocate for the poor–testified on January 27 at the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hearing on Haiti. Farmer is also now the U.N. Deputy Special Envoy for Haiti, working with the Special Envoy, President Clinton.

Farmer first described the Haitian people’s tragic loss of life and loved ones, their new fear of sleeping inside buildings, the massive logistical challenges in providing for basic needs including food and water and toilet services, the need for emergency health care now and rebuilding clinics for the future, restarting schools that still stand and rebuilding those that collapsed, and enabling farmers to plant their spring crops by replacing tools and providing fertilizer.

He then turned to the financial resources needed from donors and how they should be managed.  He suggests the “potential for an entirely reconsidered relationship between the two oldest independent countries in the Americas.” Such a newly imagined U.S.-Haiti relationship would include the following:

• Disbursement of funds that are pledged:  Only about 15% of the $402 million the U.S. pledged in April 2009 to support the Haitian government’s Economic Recovery Program have been disbursed.
• Reform the structure and goals of U.S. aid within Haiti: lower the overhead charged for operations and trim back NGO involvement unless related to the public health and education sectors; focus on creating jobs for Haitians through “cash-for-work” programs and building infrastructure; work to reduce dependence on aid.
• Debt forgiveness to ease the financial drain.
• Creation of a recovery fund managed in Haiti by the Inter-American Development Bank.
• Share the goals of the Haitian people: social and economic rights, job creation, local business development, watershed protection, access to quality health care, and gender equity.
• Provide cash transfers to women.
• Build resilient housing and provide communities with access to clean water.
• Reforest the countryside.

Near the end of his remarks, Farmer said: “As a doctor, I can tell you that bad infrastructure and thoughtless policy are visible in the bodies of the poor, just as are the benefits of good policy and well-designed infrastructure.”

Image: “Paul Farmer and crowds I,” from flickr user Mira (on the wall), licensed with Creative Commons.

My challenge to David Brooks

As you may have heard, New York Times columnist David Brooks recently wrote about how Haiti’s culture is mired down by vodou and is anti-progress. And as you might imagine, his comments drew a lot of criticism from cultural anthropologists and others who have spent time in Haiti and with Haitian people.

Brooks apparently adheres to the simplistic and misleading idea of culture as used by political scientist Samuel Huntington (pictured) and former USAID administrator Lawrence Harrison. Neither of these men is an expert on culture as it is understood by the social scientists whose central mission is to study it, understand it, write about it and teach about it: cultural anthropologists.

Brooks and other conservatives no doubt find comfort in the Huntington-Harrison approach to culture. Pro-progress cultures are winners. Funny enough, they are pro-capitalist cultures along the lines of the United States with its strong emphasis on individual economic success, competitive social relationships and multiple car ownership. Anti-progress cultures are losers: they value some degree of social equality and group relationships that might include, heaven help us, labor unions. Low on car ownership among other things.

The H&H model goes against basic principles in cultural anthropology by labeling “others” in ways that are blatantly U.S.-capitalist-ethnocentric. Moreover, adopting the H&H model means that you will never recognize the viability, sustainability and warmth of so many other cultural systems. In fact, you are likely to directly or indirectly participate in the destruction of those cultures through economic, political and cultural imperialism. This is where Huntington and Hirshman lead and where David Brooks has followed.

So here’s my challenge to David Brooks: take an introductory cultural anthropology course now. Open your eyes and your heart to “other” cultures that may look like losers according to H&H but in fact hold the clues to a better future for all of us. If we would only give them a chance. I teach a six-week, distance ed version of my intro class every summer: Anth 002.10 at George Washington University. Mr. Brooks is most welcome to enroll.

Image: Samuel Huntington by Flickr user World Economic Forum via Creative Commons.

There is no pill against poverty

No pill can cure poverty. This is an old truth but one that needs repeating. Again and again. An article in the prestigious American Journal of Public Health (reprints can be ordered at the journal’s website) reminds me of this need. Three co-authors with Ph.D.s, two of whom have nursing experience, have published a “Field Action Report” assessing the affect of the formation of fathers’ clubs on child health in rural Haiti.

The article summary reports the key findings:

“The presence of a fathers’ club in a child’s birth village had a positive effect on vaccination status, growth monitoring and vitamin A supplementation after we controlled for socioeconomic status, time and the quality of the village health agent. Child weights and mortality were not affected by the fathers’ clubs.”

That pretty much says it all, but let’s break it down.

The study is based on detailed and extensive individual and household-level data gathered by the Haitian Health Foundation (HHF). The HHF was established in 1985 and is now operating in 104 villages in southwestern Haiti. The HHF instituted fathers’ clubs in 1994 in response to the discovery that fathers play an important role in child care in this region.

The clubs were meant to enhance child health and welfare. The fathers meet regularly to learn about child and family health from a nurse or village health agent. Education focuses on the 12 key family and community practices identified by the World Health Organization and UNICEF. The model outlines three pathways through which child health should improve.

Focusing on data from 23 villages with fathers’ clubs, the authors used children born before the clubs were established as the control group and children born afterwards as the “intervention group.” While not ideal, this approach is scientifically acceptable.

The presence of fathers’ clubs is associated with children aged one to two years being vaccinated, having their growth measured and taking vitamin A supplements. Here is what the authors say about this finding:

“Actual weights of children and infant mortality — measures that are arguably more important than the more proximal outcomes of growth monitoring, vaccinations and vitamin A supplementation — did not improve with the intervention. Furthermore, child weights remained flat over the years of study. Malnutrition is still a major problem in Haiti and continues to contribute to high morbidity and mortality in the first year of life. Malnutrition appears resistant to HHF efforts and is instead affected by factors well beyond the scope of a public health services program such as the underlying conditions of economic deprivation in rural Haiti and the political upheaval that has endured in Haiti for many years.”

I don’t need to remind you that the article under discussion was written before the earthquakes of January 2010.

So what to do? The authors mention the WHO recommendation to educate parents about feeding supplements for infants through 24 months. But they note, “This recommendation may not be feasible, given the economic constraints …. Further research is needed to develop programs that can be successful within these constraints.”

“Constraints” indeed. The kind of “constraints” that prevent the usual well-meaning educational interventions to work. At all.

How would you feel if you had a malnourished baby and no money, and someone tried to educate you about the importance of providing more food for your baby?

You might, as I was, be surprised to read the upbeat concluding paragraph:

“In conclusion, fathers’ clubs appear to be an effective strategy in child health programs. The success of fathers’ clubs in Haiti may encourage other global efforts to include fathers in a wide range of child health programs that use a community-based participatory approach.”

What? An “effective strategy” if your goals are limited to increasing the rate vaccinations, growth monitoring and vitamin A intake. But for improving children’s health? No success at all.

I’m all for fathers’ clubs. They may work in ways that this study overlooks: social support for parents (notably fathers) through the regular meetings. But they are not going to put food in the mouths of Haitian babies.

Source: Elizabeth Sloand, Nan Marie Astone, and Bette Gebrian. 2010. The Impact of Fathers’ Clubs on Child Health in Rural Haiti. American Journal of Public Health 100(2):201-204.

Image credit: Flickr user shouldbecleaning, licensed by Creative Commons.

What is World Development all about?

Many people would argue that the journal, World Development, is one of the most pre-eminent publications in the field of development. Knowing that, I decided to search it for articles on Haiti. My search resulted in two articles that actually contain the word Haiti in the title: one on collective action and watershed management published in 1995 and the other on taxation in the coffee economy published in 1993.

In addition to these two Haiti-specific articles, my search produced another 244 articles that include content about Haiti or the Caribbean.

World Development started in 1973. It publishes a volume each year with an issue each month. Each issue contains anywhere between 8-15 articles. Let’s assume an average of 10 articles per issue. That’s 120 articles a year over a period of 36 years for a total of 4320 articles published since the beginning.

And only two have the word Haiti in the title. The poorest country in the Western Hemisphere is apparently of almost no interest to “mainstream” development scholars and experts.

Image: “New Mission, Laugon, Haiti,” from Flickr user glasshalffull91, licensed with Creative Commons.

What low-income Haitians want: lessons for aid-givers

In rural Haiti, before entering anyone’s yard, one calls out : “Onè! (Honor!), waiting to hear the welcome, “Respe!” (Respect) before entering. Cultural anthropologist Jennie Smith-Paríolá did long term fieldwork with “peasant” groups in Haiti’s Northeast, Central Plateau, and Grand Anse regions. She learned much about the values of honor/respect and how they infuse Haitians ideas of right and wrong and the kind of life that humans ought to be able to have.

Many countries and organizations are committed to helping Haiti recover from the devastation of the earthquake and to move ahead to build a stronger country than existed before. The shock of the earthquake’s toll in terms of mortality, loss of family and loved ones, and physical destruction is serving as a wake-up call to the Haitian government and to other countries and institutions that something, now and onwards, seriously, must be done to help the Haitian people achieve a better future.

Typically, countries and organizations tend to give the kind of aid that they tend to give…regardless of the context of the place and people in need. Among other forms of help, the US has sent in the military. In fact, as of today’s newspaper accounts, the US is in charge of the airport and the majority of planes landing carry US military. Planes bringing food and water are being held back.

Patterns of giving are entrenched and hard to change. But they must be. While the US military no doubt  serves an important role in helping to retrieve bodies and maintain order in what is an increasingly desperate situation, aid efforts should not ever be dominated by “military aid.”

Smith-Paríolá worked with and learned from the poor and disempowered of rural Haiti, many of whom have formed small-scale community organizations to provide services and to organize production and trade. From them, she heard incisive critiques of outsiders’ concepts of progress, democracy, and development. She listened to their aspirations and their views of how outsiders need to change. Read her book, When the Hands Are Many: Community Organization and Social Change in Rural Haiti. It conveys the voices, aspirations, and even songs of the people.

Here is what poor Haitians define as elements of a good society:

1. relative economic parity
2. strong political leaders with a sense of service who “care for” and “stand for” the poor
3. respe (respect)
4. religious pluralism to allow room for ancestral and spiritual beliefs
5. cooperative work
6. access of citizens to basic social services
7. personal and collective security

Smith-Paríolá notes that aid organizations have contested the first two of these: the first is seen as counter-productive to economic progress and the second as counter-productive to democratic principles.

In terms of respe, David Brooks’ editorial (see Samuel Martínez’s response here) in the New York Times on January 14 is a good example of the lack thereof among many outsiders.

The fourth point, from the local people’s viewpoint, can be achieved even though many people are affiliated with Protestant or Catholic missions. They feel that religious/spiritual pluralism is viable and that different belief systems are mutually informing.
Working in groups is part of rural life. It is accompanied by laughter, songs, jokes, games, and sometimes drinking. Collective play and performance “heat up” labor. Aid agencies often look down on what they perceive as rowdy and undisciplined behavior.
The sixth point is currently beyond the reach of most rural Haitians. It includes adequate schooling (primary and secondary schools with teachers and regular hours of operation), literacy training for adults, decent transportation (just a nearby road), farming equipment (hoes, machetes, plows, fertilizers, pesticides), “Western” health care (an adequate clinic within walking distance), a fair judicial system (providing equal justice to the poor), enough land to live on (land redistribution), and a healthier environment.

As the government is increasingly unable to provide for people’s livelihoods and other forms of basic needs, unrest has also increased. Crime rates have risen steeply in Port-au-Prince and also, to some extent, in rural areas. More and more often, Haitians voice concerns about feeling safe.

The lessons are clear: major changes are required in the culture of big aid organization, in how they define need, what kinds of help they provide and how they provide it. They must form coalitions with Haitian community groups based on a practiced respe that honors differences and similarities in values. They must reframe their thinking to look at the shortcoming of the powerful and wealthy rather than of the poor. Most importantly, following the values of poor Haitians, economic inequality must be reduced to the extent that if one person is eating, everyone is eating.

How to do this? A first step is that big aid givers  have to abandon their authoritative knowledge of what’s best for Haiti and listen to the Haitians. This strategy means that the typical architecture of big aid will come crumbling down just like so many buildings struck by the earthquake. A different kind of reconstruction is in order: collaborative, culturally-informed aid must replace the age-old top-down kind of aid.

The people of Haiti need help, but on their terms. Let’s start with respe and move on from there.

Image: “Map of Haiti,” from Flickr user DrGulas, licensed with Creative Commons.

Recent sources on Haitian culture and social change

This list is intended to provide a guide to recent resources on culture and society in Haiti for people who wish to be better informed about the context in which the recent earthquake and its devastation are occurring. With apologies, most of the journal articles are not public access.

Furthermore, we really encourage everyone to visit InterAction’s Haiti response page, which includes a variety of ways to help out.

Benoît, C. 2007. “The politics of vodou: AIDS, access to health care and the use of culture in Haiti”. Anthropology in Action 143, 59-68.

Coreil, J. & Mayard, G. 2006. “Indigenization of illness support groups in Haiti”. Human Organization 652, 128-139.

Curci, S. 2008. “Mapping Haitian history: a photo essay”Journal of Haitian Studies 142, 120-30.

Farmer, P. 2004. “An anthropology of structural violence.” Current Anthropology 453, 305-325.

Farmer, P. E. 2001. “The consumption of the poor: tuberculosis in the 21st century.” Ethnography 12, 183-216.

Farmer, Paul. 1992. AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Farmer, P. E. 2008. “Mother courage and the future of war.” Social Analysis 522, 165-184.

Giafferi, N. 2004. The violence of relations in fieldwork: the Haitian example. Terrain 43, 123-40, 159.

Guilbaud, P., & Preston, M. 2006. “Healthcare assessment study in Les Cayes, Haiti: towards a framework for rural capacity development and analysis”. Journal of Haitian Studies 122, 48-69.

Hastings, A. 2007. “Eradicating global poverty: is it really achievable?” Journal of Haitian Studies 132, 120-134.

James, E. C. 2004. “The political economy of “trauma” in Haiti in the democratic era of insecurity”. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 282, 127-149.

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