Recent sources on Haitian culture and social change

This list is intended to provide a guide to recent resources on culture and society in Haiti for people who wish to be better informed about the context in which the recent earthquake and its devastation are occurring. With apologies, most of the journal articles are not public access.

Furthermore, we really encourage everyone to visit InterAction’s Haiti response page, which includes a variety of ways to help out.

Benoît, C. 2007. “The politics of vodou: AIDS, access to health care and the use of culture in Haiti”. Anthropology in Action 143, 59-68.

Coreil, J. & Mayard, G. 2006. “Indigenization of illness support groups in Haiti”. Human Organization 652, 128-139.

Curci, S. 2008. “Mapping Haitian history: a photo essay”Journal of Haitian Studies 142, 120-30.

Farmer, P. 2004. “An anthropology of structural violence.” Current Anthropology 453, 305-325.

Farmer, P. E. 2001. “The consumption of the poor: tuberculosis in the 21st century.” Ethnography 12, 183-216.

Farmer, Paul. 1992. AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Farmer, P. E. 2008. “Mother courage and the future of war.” Social Analysis 522, 165-184.

Giafferi, N. 2004. The violence of relations in fieldwork: the Haitian example. Terrain 43, 123-40, 159.

Guilbaud, P., & Preston, M. 2006. “Healthcare assessment study in Les Cayes, Haiti: towards a framework for rural capacity development and analysis”. Journal of Haitian Studies 122, 48-69.

Hastings, A. 2007. “Eradicating global poverty: is it really achievable?” Journal of Haitian Studies 132, 120-134.

James, E. C. 2004. “The political economy of “trauma” in Haiti in the democratic era of insecurity”. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 282, 127-149.

Continue reading “Recent sources on Haitian culture and social change”

Why is Haiti so poor?

UPDATE 1/14: This post was linked in a story by Discovery News’ James Williams.

Haiti and the Dominican Republic share the island of Hispaniola. Following the island’s discovery by Columbus in 1492, Spanish colonialists exterminated the island’s indigenous Arawak Indians. In 1697, the French took control of what is now Haiti and instituted an exceptionally cruel system of African plantation slavery. In the late 1700s, the half million slaves revolted. In what is the only successful slave revolution in history, they ousted the French and established the first Black republic in the Western Hemisphere.

Haiti’s population of over eight million people occupies a territory somewhat smaller than the state of Maryland in the United States. The land is rugged, hilly or mountainous. More than 90 percent of the forests have been cleared. Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. Extreme inequality exists between the urban elite, who live in the capital city of Port-au-Prince, and everyone else.

The people in the countryside are referred to as peyizan yo (the plural form of peyizan), a Creole term for small farmers who produce for their own use and for the market (Smith 2001). Many also participate in small-scale marketing. Most peyizan yo in Haiti own their land. They grow vegetables, fruits (especially mangoes), sugarcane, rice and corn.

Accurate health statistics are not available, but even rough estimates show that Haiti has the highest prevalence of HIV/AIDS of any country in the region. Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer emphasizes the role of colonialism in the past and global structural inequalities now in causing these high rates (1992).

Colonial plantation owners grew fabulously rich from this island. It produced more wealth for France than all of France’s other colonies combined and more than the 13 colonies in North America produced for Britain. Why is Haiti so poor now?

Colonialism launched environmental degradation by clearing forests. After the revolution, the new citizens carried with them the traumatic history of slavery. Now, neocolonialism and globalization are leaving new scars. For decades, the United States has played, and still plays, a powerful role in supporting conservative political regimes.

In contrast to these structural explanations, some people point to problems with the Haitian people: They cannot work together, and they lack a vision of the future.

Opposed to these views are the findings of Jennie Smith’s ethnographic research in southwestern Haiti, which shed light on the life of peyizan yo and offer perspectives on their development (2001). She found many active social organizations with functions such as labor sharing, to help each member get his or her field planted on time, and cost sharing, to help pay for health care or funerals. Also, peyizan yo have clear opinions about their vision for the future, including hopes for relative economic equality, political leaders with a sense of social service, respe (respect), and access of citizens to basic social services.

The early colonizers did not decide to occupy Haiti because it was poor. It was colonialism and its extractive ways that have made Haiti poor today.

Sources:

“Culturama: The Peyizan Yo of Haiti,” in Barbara D Miller, Cultural Anthropology, 5th edition, Pearson. 2009, p. 404.

Smith, Jennie M. 2001. When the Hands Are Many: Community Organization and Change in Rural Haiti. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Farmer, Paul, 1992. AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame.

Image: “Haitian Girl” by Flickr user Billtacular, licensed by creative commons.

Thanks to Samuel Martínez of the University of Connecticut for pointing out that the Haitian Creole plural “yo” means that one should not include an article in front of the noun.

#1 cultural anthropologist of the decade

As any cultural anthropologist will tell you, a decade is an arbitrary cultural construction with no inherent meaning. I agree. But it does offer a potentially interesting way to bracket a period of time within which a lot happens but not too much — at least not too much for my memory to handle.

On Morning Joe today, some commentators were going through a list of top 10 events of the decade, with the 9/11 attacks ranked as number one, the most significant. As I watched, I wondered if it would make sense to compile a ranked list of the most important cultural anthropologists of the decade. It seemed impossibly difficult, especially the ranking part. But then it hit me that I could reasonably make a case for a number one cultural anthropologist of the decade.

I hereby, with all the authority of a lone blogger, name Paul Farmer (Wiki, bio) as #1 Cultural Anthropologist of the Decade.

Here’s why, in case you do not already agree with me. He has published many important scholarly works, beginning with his groundbreaking exposure of the politics and racism that led to blaming Haiti for the origin and spread of HIV/AIDS.

In addition to his many scholarly publications, Farmer is an influential global health practitioner and activist and co-founder of Partners in Health. Tracy Kidder’s book about him and his health work in Haiti, Mountains beyond Mountains, is widely read. CBS did a documentary on him in 2008. The Skoll Foundation named him “Entrepreneur of the Year” in 2008. In 2009, he was a top contender for the position of head of the U.S. Agency for International Development, and in the same year he was named U.S. deputy special envoy to Haiti.

Within the discipline of anthropology, Farmer has placed consideration of poverty, social inequality and social justice in the mainstream of research and writing. His use of the term “structural violence” has ensured its significance well beyond medical anthropology. His insistence on taking poverty and social inequality seriously as primary causes of health problems worldwide has helped shake the foundations of western biomedicine. He has helped forge importance links between health and human rights.

Pied Piper. Source: Wikipedia.
Pied Piper. Source: Wikipedia.

Rich anecdotal evidence from my experience teaching at GW also supports my naming of Farmer as #1 Cultural Anthropologist of the Decade. In my undergraduate cultural anthropology class, when I ask who has heard of him, many hands shoot up. Of these students, most have read Mountains Beyond Mountains. A few have heard him speak. In my upper level class on medical anthropology, an even larger proportion of students is aware of his work, and many have read one of his books in another class (they will in my class as well). In my graduate seminars, most students have read at least one of his books and perhaps also an article or two.

Beyond the impressive level of awareness among my students of Farmer’s contributions to health and anthropology, however, is what I refer to as The Paul Farmer Effect (PFE). I created this term to refer to the Pied Piper role he plays: I keep hearing from students that want to be a Paul Farmer. And they are choosing courses, majors and minors, to help achieve that goal.

Thus enrollments at GW in classes in medical anthropology, culture and human rights and cultural anthropology generally are booming. Increasing numbers of B.A. students are combining majors in anthropology, global health and/or international affairs, and adding a minor or two if they cannot fit in a double major. At the graduate level, our dual M.A. degree in international development studies and public health is very popular, and there is strong demand for a similar dual master’s degree in anthropology and public health. Every year, I receive inquiries from medical students about how they can include anthropology in their training.

The Paul Farmer Effect.

At GW, I began to notice it five years ago or so. Since then, the PFE has not abated. It is growing. Because of the PFE, more students each year combine their academic interests in anthropology, global health and international affairs. These students are beginning to graduate and go on to pursue humanitarian careers. Thanks to Paul Farmer and the PFE, they are more powerfully informed and more motivated to make the world a better place than would otherwise be the case.