Where did our love go?

Vice President Al Gore and Tipper Gore, married for 40 years and an iconic couple of marital endurance against high odds, are quietly separating. I am sure that thousands of other people join me in wishing them both the best as they move on into new directions.

While the media buzz about the separation, I note the absence of insights from any cultural anthropologists. An article in today’s New York Times Style section, for example, includes comments from psycho-physiologist Robert Levenson of UC Berkeley, neuroscientist Bianca Acevedo of UC Santa Barbara, marriage historian Stephanie Coontz of Evergreen State College and economist Betsey Stevenson of the University of Pennsylvania.

Hello anthropology?

A quick scan of my library’s Anthropology Plus database of journal articles (going back to 2005) revealed nothing by cultural anthropologists on marriage in the United States. And nothing on marriage resilience or durability anywhere in the world.

“Marriage and the family” were core topics of cultural anthropology when I went to college, though typically the subject matter was “other” cultures. Nevertheless, as cultural anthropology has, since then, included in its purview cultures everywhere, including industrialized contexts, it seems to have missed out on love among the Nacirema.

It seems cultural anthropologists have yet to study the shadow (both positive and negative) cast by marriage. Image: “Love and Marriage” by Flickr user hammer51012, creative commons licensed.

The latest on love

What do cultural anthropologists know about love? To mark Valentine’s Day, a widely celebrated occasion in the United States, I did some research. Using the Anthropology Plus database available through my university library, and with love as my only search term, I came up with the following list of articles published by cultural anthropologists from 2007 to the present. This list offers a quick glimpse into the cultural anthropology of love.

Topics include romantic love, family love and love of country; love as a basis for establishing a marriage; breaking up when romance fades; professions of love in discourse and song and professions of love in the midst of a violent relationship or one that is risky in terms of HIV/AIDS.

Note: the journals are not open-source. If you email particular authors, however, they are likely to happily provide you with an electronic copy of their article. Often, the journal provides the email address of the author on the first page or at the end.

Abu-Rabia-Queder, Sarab. Coping with ‘Forbidden Love’ and Loveless Marriage. Educated Bedouin Women from the Negev. Ethnohistory 8(3):297-323, 2007.

Carlisle, Jessica. Mother Love. A Forced Divorce in Damascus. Anthropology of the Middle East 2(1):89-102, 2007.

Clapp, James A. The Romantic Travel Movie, Italian-Style. Visual Anthropology 22(1):52-63, 2009.

Faier, Lieba. Filipina Migrants in Rural Japan and their Professions of Love. American Ethnologist 34(1):148-162, 2007.

Foster, Robert J. Commodities, Brands, Love and Kula: Comparative Notes on Value Creation. Anthropological Theory 8(1):9-25, 2008.

Gershon, Ilana. Email My Heart: Remediation and Romantic Break-Ups. Anthropology Today 24(6):13-15, 2008.

Haeri, Shahla. Sacred Canopy : Love and Sex Under the Veil. Iranian Studies: Bulletin of the Society for Iranian Cultural and Social Studies 42(1):113-126, 2009.

Harrison, Abigail. Hidden Love : Sexual Ideologies and Relationship Ideals among Rural South African Adolescents in the Context of HIV/AIDS. Culture, Health and Sexuality 10(2):175-189, 2008.

Hart, Kimberley. Love by Arrangement: The Ambiguity of ‘Spousal Choice’ in a Turkish Village. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 13(2):345-362, 2007.

Helsloot, John. The Triumph of Valentine’s Day in the Netherlands: After Fifty Years. Lietuvos Etnologija 8(17):97-116, 2008..

Kapteijns, Lidwien. Discourse on Moral Womanhood in Somali Popular Songs, 1960-1990. Journal of African History 50(1):101-122, 2009.

Lipset, David. Women without Qualities: Further Courtship Stories Told by Young Papua New Guinean Men. Ethnology 46(2):93-111, 2007.

Marsden, Magnus. Love and Elopement in Northern Pakistan. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 13(1):91-108, 2007.

Continue reading “The latest on love”

Yemeni women down and out in the Tenderloin

The Tenderloin is the poorest neighborhood in San Francisco. Some of its poorest residents are immigrants who come from the poorest regions of Yemen. Yemen is one of the poorest countries in the world.

Ninety percent of Yemeni immigrants to the US are single males, and this pattern prevails among the approximately 1,000 Yemenis in the Tenderloin. But there are some married couples with children and some extended families.

Cultural anthropologist Lucia Volk conducted interviews with 15 Yemeni women who live in the Tenderloin. Her conversations reveal the many challenges they face and the resulting distress they are experiencing. A consistent theme is a strong sense of social isolation, both from the mainstream culture and other Muslims including other Yemenis. The women’s inabilities to speak English and their Yemeni dress (including full veiling) create barriers separating them from people in mainstream American culture. In terms of the latter, their small apartments with an open kitchen-dining room-living room plan prohibit the women from receiving guests according to Yemeni rules that require separate areas for men and women. High crime rates on the street inhibit the women from moving around the neighborhood.

Another pervasive factor contributing to the women’s sense of isolation is that other Yemenis are beginning to act more American: “Everyone is looking out for themselves.”

Volk concludes that the sources of distress for Yemeni women immigrants in the Tenderloin are multiple and cannot be easily changed. The women’s loneliness translates to complaints of physical fatigue, depression, and weight gain. Medicalizing their condition is not a solution.

Educating the non-Muslim population to become more accepting of the Yemenis and their culture would help improve understanding and acceptance. Providing English language classes for the Yemeni women that they can attend safely would help them communicate with non-Yemenis. Volk admits she has no idea how to counteract increasing self-centeredness either.

Any ideas from you?

Link: Volk’s article in Medical Anthropology Quarterly (December 2009)

Image: “-1231” by Flickr user Carpetblogger, licensed by Creative Commons.

Empowering women in India: just a flush away?


by Barbara Miller

A loud and hopeful buzz on twitter about toilets and women’s empower in India has followed the publication of an article in the Washington Post on October 12 that has been picked up by CNN and other mainstream media. “No toilet no bride” is the slogan of a growing number of families when seeking to arrange the marriage of a daughter.

In rural areas, less than 30 percent of the population has access to latrines. And those latrines are not necessarily located so that women and girls can get to them safely. They may not be covered. They may be filthy. In low-income neighborhoods in cities, the situation is not much better.

Throughout India, it’s easier and safer for men and boys to defecate and urinate publicly than it is for women and girls. A week’s visit to India will afford the viewer plenty of opportunities to see open defecation of men and boys. Women and girls have to wait until it’s dark to try to find a semi-private field away from the village. Any they may run into trouble from some male hasslers on the way.

The right to a safe toilet is on many people’s list of human rights in India.

It is a good thing that more Indian women will have access to a safe place for these everyday biological necessities—those who can find a husband whose family can provide one for the new couple. But I have problems with the implication that Indian women are finding new bargaining power in marriage arrangements through the “no toilet, no bride” mantra.  I hate to throw cold water on all the enthusiasm, but that’s not likely to be how things will work out in northwestern India in the short run, at least.

Yes, women may get toilets: the good news. But the bad news is that toilet-possessing grooms will be even more highly sought after, and that will spike up the dowries that the bride’s family has to give to get a top-notch groom. In the end, the bride’s family will pay for the toilet.

Here’s how northern Indian (Hindu) marriage arrangements tend to work (with the inevitable exceptions of course of some who opt for love marriage and no dowry payment at all). Among northern Indian Hindus, a system of hypergyny has long existed. It means that the bride has to “marry up,” within her general birth group (jati, or subcaste): the groom should be more educated than she is, as well as taller and older. These criteria establish a demographic squeeze, from the start, on potential brides because they knock out many men from being preferred. Even with the many thousands of “missing” girls and women due to female-selective abortion and direct and indirect infanticide, which are particularly endemic in northern India, there is still a shortage of the “best” potential grooms. Hypergyny drives a system that makes the parents of daughters always on a lower par, having to provide huge dowries to attract the “best” grooms.

For decades, families with highly educated sons and families with property and wealth can and do “demand” the largest dowries from the bride’s families. The dowry amount and contents are discussed up front before a marriage is finally negotiated, and much of the value of the dowry goes to the groom’s parents rather than to the newly married couple. I call this a “fly-over dowry” since it flies right over the heads of the bride and groom. Having a son in northern India, come time for his marriage, is a windfall.

In terms of the groom, educated, wealthy, tall, and handsome men are most sought after. Now those desirable potential grooms whose families can guarantee that the new bride will have “a room of her own” will have even more leverage in demanding a large dowry. But in the end, it’s the bride’s family that’s buying the toilet.

Photo from Flickr via Creative Commons.